Saturday, 1 April 2017

RSS/BJP/Adityanath’s Ideology and Women.




I remember the year 2004 when I was teaching a post graduate course in social work in the Government College in Barwani, Madhya Pradesh (MP) when Bhartiya Janta Party’s (BJP) Uma Bharti became the Chief Minister (CM) of the State. Soon after, the regional press extensively reported that a dress code for girls in the colleges of MP was to be implemented soon by the BJP Government. The reason given was “provocative dresses” worn by the students were leading to “perversions”.



I had decided back then that if the BJP Government imposed the dress code, I would change my attire from my regular salawar khameez to pants and kurtas in solidarity with the protesting girls even if it cost me my job as a lecturer in the Government College. However I did not have to do anything of the kind as the Government bowed to wide spread protests across the state. It was a proud moment for me when young girls stood up to the proposed diktat by the then BJP Government.


Come 2017 and a statement by BJP minister Maneka Gandhi as reported by the Indian Express comes to my mind  - "Women and Child Development minister Maneka Gandhi recently made a statement that has left a lot of people baffled. Speaking to NDTV, she said early curfews in hostels ensured safety. “When you are 16 or 17 you are also hormonally very challenged. So to protect you from your own hormonal outbursts, perhaps a lakshman rekha is drawn. It really is for your own safety.”"


It is important to take note that Maneka Gandhi herself has exercised her freedom from her young age by pursuing formal education only up to I.S.C. She took up modeling at age seventeen and dated Sanjay Gandhi as a teenager. But that does not matter. She adheres to BJP –RSS’s skewed ideology concerning women as its minister of Women and Child Development. 


Other BJP – RSS functionaries have also expressed their regressive ideas about women very vocally in recent times. This is not surprising as this is the part and parcel of RSS-BJP ideology in its endeavor to build a Hindu Rashtra. However what is worrying is that ever since BJP has come to power at the center, it has started executing its ideas in an aggressive way. For example the Vice Chancellor of the esteemed Banaras Hindu University (BHU), a BJP appointee himself reportedly advocates discriminatory treatment towards girls in the university as follows 


1.   Girls not to be served meat in the hostel mess as it makes the girls “impure”. 
2.    Girls cannot avail of the 24X7 library facilities as it would be immoral for girls to study after 10 pm. 
3. Girls cannot use mobile phones after 10 pm.

There are no such restrictions on boys. During my recent visit to Banaras Hindu University, I was told that the girl students are not allowed to raise their voice against the discrimination meted out to them or participate in any protests.


It is under this back drop that the appointment of BJP CM Adityanath and his regressive views about women should also be understood. More importantly, by appointing Adityanath as the CM of UP, the BJP/RSS has given a clear message that this is what BJP stands for and requires the people of this country to abide even if it is contrary to the Constitution of India.  

I therefore bring before the readers what Adityanath as BJP CM thinks about women through his article titled, Matru Shakti Bhartiya Sanskruti Ke Sandarbh Mein: 

In reference to talking about women's reservation, he says:

Wednesday, 15 March 2017

Irom Sharmila, Electoral politics and giving voters of Manipur the benefit of doubt.





Ever since Irom Sharmila as member of Peoples' Resurgence and Justice Alliance's (PRJA) lost the 2017 assembly election with less than 100 votes, there has been continuous berating of the voters of Manipur, more so by social and political activists. Some of the comments are rather harsh such as:

1.    “Manipuris are a shame. How could they dump Sharmila. After her 16 years fast in solitary confinement all against AFSPA!!!”
 
   2.  “If Manipur couldn't feel Erom Sharmila's fight then what else to speak?!”

According to Financial Express of 12 March 2017 even Irom Sharmila has said the following after the election result was out:  

“But I am fed up with politics after this result: I continued without even water for 16 year yet… People need to be awakened. They let me down…The people let me down,” she said in an emotionally choked voice.”

 
Photo Credit: Scroll


I wish to say here that while Irom Sharmila is greatly respected and admired outside as well as in Manipur also, it would be wrong to expect that respect for Irom Sharmila alone should convert immediately into votes. Instead of being disheartened at the outcome, it would be important to analyze the reasons for the same. As a student of social work, social science and a political activist, some of the reasons that come to my mind for the defeat of Irom Sharmila are listed below. It is not necessary that all the reasons may be correct.  


1.      Till very recently, Irom Sharmila herself had kept away from electoral politics and had believed in the individual self as a weapon to fight oppression. Hers was a rather individualistic means of a battle against repression by the State. Pitching oneself as a weapon against the State and electoral politics are two different kinds of politics, sometimes even contradictory. While one is against the State and all it represents, the other is to be part of the State. The natures of both are different. Therefore the work that goes into it is also different. People probably could not accept Irom Sharmila’s quick and sudden change from herself as a weapon fighting the State to electoral politics that involves the masses to choose her as their representative for the formation of the State. It takes time for people to accept the transition (if at all), leave alone support it. 

2.      It must be remembered that Irom Sharmila was on fast and almost confined to a hospital for over fifteen years’ with limited contact with her people until very recently. May be, people wanted her first to recuperate, reflect, reconnect with the masses, and so on before she moved on to forming a political party and head a state like Manipur. That too, so soon after her extraordinarily and an equally exhausting fast. May be, even her closest supporters through this grueling ordeal of a struggle wanted time for recuperation and reflection. 

3.      Supporters of Irom Sharmila probably put her on a high moral pedestal and viewed her as someone who raised herself above the most basic human needs like food and therefore above everything else - love, electoral politics and so on. May be, her supporters felt that for a person of her stature, an icon, seeking votes is getting off the high pedestal or a climb down. While fast is generally considered selfless, in electoral politics, there is a clear give and take and party politics is often considered dirty. 

4.      Probably people supported Irom Sharmila’s fast, but here she was seeking votes for her newly formed party. May be, the people of Manipur were not so much in support of the hurriedly formed party, its hurriedly assembled members and its candidates. 

5.      People till very recently recognized Irom Sharmila for her fight against AFSPA. Her struggle was issue based. A political party is much more than a single issue. Besides, Manipur is grappling with many other serious issues apart from the presence of the Indian army and AFSPA. There is the issue of economic blockade, the valley and hills issue, developmental concerns, underground groups and so on. In this backdrop, it takes time for a new party to reach out to the masses with its comprehensive ideology. Probably PRJA could not articulate itself clearly on these issues or did not have the time to reach out to the people effectively for being new. This is particularly true for a State like Manipur with poor connectivity and infrastructure. 

6.      Irom Sharmila is known for her individual decisions. She sat on a fast although for a public cause as well as withdrew it as per her personal decision and rightfully so. But if one wishes to contest elections and want people’s support, large scale consultations, collective decisions, participation of the people, especially one’s primary supporters become essential. Besides, it has been reported in papers that her core supporters who stood by her through her fast were not in favor of her forming a party and contesting elections. It is true that a world renowned figure like Irom Sharmila would draw new supporters into her party. But not taking on board long time political colleagues who are often seen as dispensable may have also been a cause for the loss. 

7.      During elections, people also see the ability of a party to win. Considering that PRJA had been able to field only three candidates out of sixty assembly seats in Manipur, it was clear that it was not going to be able to form the Government. Therefore people may have consolidated their vote in favor of a party closer to their ideology that was likely to form the Government in Manipur. The fact that PRJA could field only three candidates itself is a subject for reflection. 

8.      While Irom Sharmila’s fast is extraordinary, commendable and unique, people of Manipur too have been fighting AFSPA in various ways. State violence and repression have brutally affected the Manipuri society at large. Many of the Manipur homes have lost their family member in the struggle, many youth have taken up arms, there have been over 1500 extra judicial killings and even rapes. The cost suffered by the people of Manipur is wide spread and so is the struggle of the people. The scale of suffering and that of the struggle are beyond an individual self. The rise of Irom Sharmila has been a part of this broader struggle collectively waged by the people of Manipur for several decades now with unimaginable costs. This is why probably unlike us from outside the State, people of Manipur see Irom Sharmila as a part of this wider people’s struggle and not someone different from many of those who have fought and lost lives for the cause in anonymity. In this backdrop, expecting something specific in exchange/return (votes here) for what is perceived as a selfless struggle one has waged on behalf of the masses often does not go down well with the people. 



 
'Conflict widows' of Manipur protest. Photo courtesy: Women's news network


 
Women protest in Manipur. Photo Courtesy - Binalakshmi Nepram on twitter

9.      There are several in Manipur who have a different ideology from that of Irom Sharmila. For example there are many who do not believe in a non violent struggle against an extraordinarily oppressive State and have taken up arms. The last I visited Manipur over a decade ago; there were at least 18 underground groups as reported in newspapers. There are others in Manipur who believe in non-violent mass struggle and uprising and do not believe that an individual fast or electoral politics can be a substitute to people’s empowerment and movement. Many among them would probably agree with what senior journalist Kalpana Sharma wrote in the Hindu while writing about Irom Sharmila- http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/Kalpana_Sharma/i-am-sharmila/article4515503.ece

             “In India, we elevate individuals and forget the cause. We need heroes and heroines,       more so at a time of visual media. But in fixing on individuals, the issue, the cause,    the reason for protest sometimes gets forgotten or under-played...”


            Many in the State of Manipur would feel that an individual fast may result into personification of a collective struggle. Personification of a movement has its own disadvantages as it has advantages.  For example it is in the interest of the   perpetrators of oppression to narrow down mass resistance to a struggle of an individual. This way, the struggle can be undermined; delegitimized and even crushed more easily. Another danger of personification of a mass movement is that if and when the prominent figure changes  course or priority or    moves on to other  struggles/issues, the struggle over the core issue  sometimes             receives a setback. 

            Such could be the sentiments of the people of Manipur since it is only a short time ago that an unprecedented and a high profile fast has been withdrawn over a cause      that has been affecting the lives of most people in Manipur. 

10.  Many among the people who have rejected the main stream political parties are trying various alternatives even in Manipur. Aam Admi Party had contested in Manipur during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and has a state unit. Many of the non-Congress and non-BJP parties including AAP are trying to come together in Manipur as left democratic front. There are already too many alternatives and fragmented parties before the people who have rejected the Congress and the BJP politics.  


There must surely be more or other reasons than those outlined above for Irom Sharmila and her party candidates’ poor performance in Manipur. This is not the first time that individuals, activists, members of issue based people’s movements who are otherwise greatly respected have suffered defeat in an election. When such a thing happens, it is often the case that whole people/voters are berated for the loss of the good candidate. It is also seen that the standard reason given for the defeat in an election is the use of money and muscle power. The same forces the candidates were otherwise confident to fight with their good will. It is time that those of us in people’s movements, public work and political struggles, reflect where we are failing as a collective, think of the way ahead rather than merely blame the voters for being collectively insensitive.   Let us give the people of Manipur the benefit of doubt.

Nandini Oza
15-March-17

Wednesday, 15 February 2017

Demonetisation and Non Resident (Gujarati) Indians.

Being a Gujarati, the issues affecting Non Resident Indians affect me particularly because Gujaratis, for being better placed geographically have a long history in foreign soils, trade and travels.  To get an idea of the extent of trade and travels from Gujarat, I quote a paragraph from the book, ‘the shaping of modern Gujarat’, by Achyutbhai Yagnik and Suchitra Sheth as follows:


‘...Gujarat’s strategic location within Asia and its ports along the northern centre of the Indian Ocean placed it at the interaction of a number of trading sections and proved propitious to Gujarati merchants. They profited from the overland interregional trade of Asia across the subcontinent and within the western region. But their greatest wealth came from maritime trade, both along the coast and across the seas in ships propelled eastwards and westwards by the monsoon winds. One quarter of India’s coastline is in Gujarat...Silk from China, horses from Arabia, ivory and slaves from Africa, cloth and indigo from Gujarat itself, opium and grain from the north, spices from southern India  and the Far East, to name just a few commodities passed through these ports for centuries.  Local communities of skilled ship builders, navigators and craftspeople contributed to the prosperity of enterprising merchants and traders. The sweep of this maritime network is summed up by Tome Piers, a fifteenth century Portuguese traveller: ‘Cambay [i.e. Gujarat] chiefly stretches out two arms, with her right arm she reaches out towards Aden and with the other towards Malacca...”...Gujarati Merchants travelled to West Asia, Africa, South India and eastern edges of the Indian Ocean, creating a diaspora consisting of kith and kin networks in the ports of Indian Ocean littoral...Maritime activity goes back almost four millennia to the days of Indus valley civilization...”


The spread of Gujarati community across the globe has been so vast that there is a popular saying in Gujarati- ‘Jya na pohche koi, tya pohche eek Gujarati’. This means, where no one reaches, it is there that a Gujarati will reach! Gujarati business, trade and travels far and wide has also greatly influenced Gujarati literature and some of the famous writers have based many of their novels and poems on such travels across the seas such as, ‘dariyalal, haji kasam tari vijli, dariya na khole, mehraman no mobhi’, and so on. 


The non resident Gujaratis settled all over the world therefore have had far reaching influence and impact on the life and economy of Gujarat for several centuries now. 


Like every Gujarati, Mr. Narendra Modi is well aware of this fact and is also aware of the extent of the spread and clout of the Indian as well as the Gujarati community across the globe. Hence, soon after becoming the Prime Minister of India, while travelling across the world, Mr. Modi when was given overwhelming welcome by NRIs in general and Gujarati NRIs in particular, these events were highly publicized to his great advantage back home.    


Therefore when in November 2016, Mr. Modi announced demonetization, I was sure that proper planning and arrangements must have been made at least for the NRIs to convert the old currency notes unlike the mess the resident Indians had to suffer. However I was in for a rude shock. 


Photo Source: Wikipedia

As per Government rules, NRIs can carry up to Rs 25,000/- in Indian currency out of India. So, soon after demonetization when some of my close relatives living abroad asked me what should they do with their old 500 and 1000 notes, I was confident and advised them that the Indian embassy or the consulate would most certainly have made some arrangement for the exchange of old notes. Besides, most big cities across the world would also have Indian banks and I thought the Indian Embassy would have tied up with them for the exchange of legitimate money in old currency with the NRIs. This seemed to me a logical plan and arrangement because I know of some NRIs who had just left India before the demonetization was announced and were not likely to return in the near future- certainly not before the (revised) deadline of June 31st declared by the Government for the exchange of old notes remaining with NRIs.


However I was reported by my relatives that there is no such arrangement in place! I therefore advised that the next best thing would be to send the old notes with any relative travelling to India during the short window period where the old notes could be exchanges [up to June 31st in case of NRIs]. Here again I was in for a shock! The rules laid down by the RBI are such that only an Indian passport holder can bring in the old currency which has to be declared at the customs at the airport, the customs have to issue a certificate on arrival through red channel which would then have to be submitted at the time of exchange of the notes[1] at the RBI.


This again I think is totally impractical. I know of many NRIs who have retained their Indian Passport but their spouse or children have not. I also know of NRIs who themselves are not travelling to India before 31st June but their spouse or children are.  However even if a spouse of an NRI or his/her children are travelling to India during the short window period till 31st June granted to exchange old notes, they are not authorized to bring in the old notes for exchange, even if the notes are legitimately in possession of an NRI and the person carrying the notes may have a POI card!


Besides, these old notes can be exchanged only in select five RBI branches of the country- Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai and Nagpur. I know of non resident Gujaratis who land only at Ahmedabad international airport these days. No facility is made available to them for the exchange of old notes in the Reserve Bank of India branch located in Ahmedabad.  Therefore a non resident Gujarati travelling for a few days to India has to make a special trip to one of these cities to be able to exchange their old notes of the value of up to Rs 25,000/-!


People in queue at the Reserve Bank of India to exchange old currency notes after demonetization. Photo Source: Hindustan Times.

Considering all of this, I know of a few close relatives both Gujaratis and Non Gujaratis living abroad who are at a complete loss as to what to do with their old notes. It is also very hard for them to dispose of the old currency as after all, this is hard earned money and while it may not be much in terms of economic value, it is after all considered Laxmi by many Indians in general and most certainly by Gujaratis in particular.


While I have personally gone through inconvenience on account of bad planning of demonetization, some among my family and relatives living aboard have actually lost   legitimate-hard earned money for no fault of theirs. 


I wonder how much of the money in old notes not yet recovered still remains with NRIs and how much of it will go down the drain in spite of it being legitimate due to bad planning by the Government? I don’t think the Government cares to know really.  


End

PS: The Government has been changing rules concerning demonetization. Therefore if I have missed any new rule or have not understood the rules clearly and if there is any easy way of exchanging legitimate old currency notes lying with NRIs, kindly share. Thanks.

Tuesday, 14 February 2017

Saga of Sardar Sarovar (Narmada) Dam Oustees and the history of the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal




Recently, none other than the Supreme Court (SC) of India meted out injustice to the people of Narmada valley to be displaced by the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP). The SC ruled that the oustees be paid cash compensation and further (as reported in the Telegraph) - “the judges asked the 4,897 families to vacate their land by July 31 this year, failing which the authorities will be free to "forcibly remove them”. This fundamentally violates the provisions of rehabilitation and resettlement laid down by the Narmada Water Dispute Tribunal Award (NWDT) for the dam to be built. The judgement also robs the people of the Narmada valley of their fundamental rights, rights to justice and dignity.


As this recent SC judgement violates the NWDT award I was reminded of the history of the interstate dispute over the dam height between the States of Gujarat, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, as well as the fascinating history of the ongoing people’s struggle in the Narmada valley. The  formation of the NWDT in the year 1969 under the Inter State River Water Disputes Act, 1956, the declaration of the award in December 1979 and the provisions of resettlement laid down by the NWDT that are binding on all States;  the Nimad Bachao Andolan in the late seventies and the subsequent struggle of the people of the Narmada valley as Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) –  it would be difficult to narrate this fascinating history of the project and people’s struggle in the Narmada valley in any detail. However, I thought it would be important to note some of the history of how the Narmada (SSP) project was conceived and the formation of the NWDT as detailed in the autobiography of Late Mr. Morarji Desai titled, ‘Maru Jeevan Vrutant’ (My life account). I translate the relevant portions of the autobiography from Gujarati here:

 
Sardar Sarovar Dam. Photo Source: Wikipedia.





Morarji Desai: "In 1947-48, it was thought to implement several irrigation projects in the State of Mumbai [Which at that time included areas of today’s Gujarat and Maharashtra]. Tapi and Narmada projects were accepted then but since statistical information was not available regarding the Narmada project that the sketch of the Narmada project could not be drawn immediately. It was decided by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and many of us to first lay out the sketch and implement the Tapi project and after that take up the Narmada Project. When this project was being planned, I was the Chief Minister of Mumbai State. I had instructed several industrialists of Ahmedabad to set up a ‘Nigam’ to give final outline to the project, to administer it and to raise necessary funds for the project. I had promised them that the management of the project would remain with them so long as the Government does not repay the amount they had invested in the project.  At that time the Narmada Project was the cheapest and yet it was not possible to pay ordinary interest. As there was poor response to this, these negotiations were abandoned. When the Mumbai Government first planned the project, as proper statistical information was not available, the height of the dam was fixed at 300 feet. In the year 1960, it was when Gujarat and Maharashtra were separated, that Shri. Jawaharlal Nehru had laid the foundation stone of the dam.


“However due to lack of funds, the construction work could not be started. Keeping in mind the States of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, in order to study the Narmada Project in-depth, the Government appointed the Khosla commission in the year 1963-64. The head of the commission Shri. Khosla was a well known engineer and an able administrator. He or any of the members of Khosla commission had nothing to do with Gujarat. The commission collected all kinds of data, kept in mind the interests of all the four concerned States[1], and seeing that the rights of none of the concerned States were affected, it took into account the utmost way in which waters of the Narmada could be utilised. While giving its final report in the year 1965-66[2], the commission recommended the height of the dam at Navagam[3] should be minimum 500 or 530 feet. Gujarat gave its consent and Rajasthan[4] also accepted this. Madhya Pradesh opposed this and did not accept this. Due to this height approximately 99,000 acres of agricultural land in Madhya Pradesh would drown in the water. Besides, Gujarat would be deprived from the future use of Narmada waters for only 150 miles where as Madhya Pradesh approximately 700 long miles. It was on these grounds that it had opposed [the height of the dam proposed by the Khosla commission]. Maharashtra where Narmada flowed only over 30 miles, joined common cause with Madhya Pradesh and demanded more share in the electricity to be generated. As Madhya Pradesh opposed with fury, it was not possible to implement the project in Gujarat.


“After the fourth general elections, I rejoined the central cabinet ministers. I was not in the Government from 1963 March to 1967. As per the provisions of the constitution, in case of inter State river disputes and decisions by the States there in, the central Government did not have the rights to impose its decision on the concerned States. However the central Government had the rights to appoint a legal tribunal that would hear the petition/ appeal/request of the States and give a reasonable judgement. In order to overcome the deadlock created by Madhya Pradesh, as per the provisions of the tribunal, I requested the Prime Minister to refer this dispute to a tribunal. Smt. Gandhi had agreed to my suggestion and this question was handed over to the legal tribunal in the year 1968-69. Unfortunately Madhya Pradesh by employing several good and bad measures delayed the matter.


“In the election of 1972, Smt. Gandhi had promised the people of Gujarat to bring an early resolution of the Narmada controversy. The people of Gujarat believed that Smt. Gandhi would intervene and give her decision in August 1972...


“...the height of the dam could be kept at 530 or 500 feet but it was also that Madhya Pradesh could construct as many projects in the future as it wished. If Madhya Pradesh utilised all the Narmada waters and as a result if Gujarat did not get any water, Gujarat would not complain is what I am sure of. Yet, Madhya Pradesh was not satisfied because even if its interest were not to be compromised, it did not like that Gujarat got benefits from the Narmada project[5]. More importantly, due to the terrible floods in the Narmada, many areas like Baroda and Bharuch in Gujarat have to suffer excessive loss/damage. This can be stopped only if the height of the dam is kept at 500 feet. When more than fifty lakh acres is to be irrigated, it is not possible to ignore the voices of the 99,000 acres of submergence lands. The landowners of whose lands are to be submerged can be given other land either in Gujarat or Madhya Pradesh and they can be better placed also...

 
Waters of the SSP enter the villages of Madhya Pradesh submerging homes and fields in 2013. Photo Source: Rajesh Khanna (Bacchu).

“Prime Minister promised the people to bring about a quick solution to this issue, as a result the people were lured and out of 160 seats in the legislative assembly of Gujarat, they gave 140 seats to Smt. Indira Gandhi...Though the Prime Minister had promised to bring about a speedy solution, there was no solution till the year 1974. As opposed to this, she withdrew this issue from the tribunal and kept it unresolved and submitted this issue once again to the tribunal in the end of the year 1974. This is how the judgement was delayed for no reason at all. That one of the two states will have to be displeased and so decision is not being taken is what she had said. But she should have understood this from the very beginning. She should not have promised the people of Gujarat an early decision in the matter. If the Prime minister had not withdrawn this dispute for arbitration, then the tribunal may have announced its decision in the year 1974 itself...”
 
Rally in Baroda by the Sardar Sarovar Dam affected oustees of Gujarat. Photo Source: Not known.

It would have been interesting to know Mr. Desai’s thoughts on the events that unfolded after the year 1977 in the case of the Sardar Sarovar Dam and the NWDT award as Mr. Morarji Desai became the Prime Minister of India from 1977- 1979. Unfortunately his autobiography – “Maru Jeevan Vrutant”, covers the events only up to the year 1975. It is therefore difficult to know in the words of Mr. Morarji Desai himself from his autobiography what transpired while he was the PM in the case of the Narmada/SPP and the NWDT. However the people of the Narmada Valley in the submergence zone of SSP firmly believe that it was only after Mr. Desai became the Prime Minister that the NWDT gave its award in favor of Gujarat allowing large scale submergence of fertile lands and rich forests in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh. While this is a matter of different history, a people’s history, it is equally an important history.  


I also take this opportunity to express my faith that the people’s movement in the Narmada valley will continue as it has continued against all odds over several decades now.  Long live the struggle.


End





[1] It is important to note here that Rajasthan is not a riparian State as far as the river Narmada is concerned and yet it was made a party State in the dispute.
[2] Note that the report for such a mega project was given within one year of the formation of the Khosla commission.
[3] Navagam, a tribal village on the banks of the river Narmada, currently in the Narmada District of Gujarat was then the site of the Sardar Sarovar Dam. In fact, the Sardar Sarovar Project was also popularly called the Navagam dam.
[4] There was no land area, villages submerging due to this dam in Rajasthan.
[5] Mr. Morarji Desai belonged to Gujarat. One wonders therefore if this statement exhibits bias because Madhya Pradesh indeed had its valid reasons to oppose the 530 feet dam that was to submerge thousands of acres of agricultural land, forests and displace large number of people.